4:25 AM 10/12/2021 – Post LinkĀ
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Security forces in the United Kingdom have reportedly told the ministers that Russian spies stole the Oxford Astrazeneca covid vaccine formula and used it to create Sputnik jab.
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Ā Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty
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A total of 2,323 new cases of the coronavirus were diagnosed across Israel Monday, according to data released by the Health Ministry Tuesday morning, up from 1,479 new cases reported a day earlier. The percentage of tests coming back positive rose on Monday to 2.00%, after falling Sunday to 1.87%, the lowest level recorded since July 24th. The number of 25,155 known active cases of the virus across Israel fell from 25,155 Monday to 25,127 Tuesday. The number of hospitalized COVID patients also fell Tuesday, declining from 638 to 617. Since the pandemic began, 1,308,925 confirmed cases of the virus have been reported. The number of seriously ill patients continued to fall Tuesday, sinking from 460 on Sunday and 440 on Monday to 427. Of those 427 seriously ill patients, 219 are in critical condition, down from 222 a day earlier, with 187 on respirators. The infection coefficient, which measures the decline or expansion of the pandemic, rose to 0.72 on October 1st, the latest day for which data is available, climbing from 0.70 the day before. The reproduction coefficient (R) has remained below 1.0 since September 6th, marking a decline in the pandemic. Thus far, a total of 7,940 coronavirus-related fatalities have been recorded across Israel, including four deaths on Monday.

Ā Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty
The postĀ Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty: EU Leaders Gather In Ukraine For Summit In Shadow Of RussiaĀ first appeared onĀ Russia News Review.
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Eric Gomez
Arms Race,
Who will win? The North or the South?
Key point:Ā This recent flurry of testing activity is the latest chapter in aĀ missile arms race between North and South Korea that shows little sign of abating.
It has been aĀ very busy week for missile tests on the Korean peninsula. North Korea testedĀ aĀ new type of groundāālaunched cruise missileĀ to start the week and launchedĀ two shortāārange ballistic missilesĀ (SRBMs) aĀ couple days later. South Korea tested aĀ newĀ conventional submarineāālaunched ballistic missileĀ only aĀ few hours after North Koreaās SRBM test. South Koreaās Ministry of National Defense also released video footage of several new missile systems, including aĀ supersonic antiāāship cruise missile, anĀ airāālaunched land attack cruise missile, and aĀ ballistic missile withĀ aĀ heavy warhead capable of destroying bunkersĀ and other hardened targets.
This recent flurry of testing activity is the latest chapter in aĀ missile arms race between North and South Korea that shows little sign of abating. The interāāKorean missile arms race could make any future interāāKorean crises more dangerous and prone to escalation.
In the summer and autumn of 2017, North Korea successfully tested intercontinentalāārange ballistic missiles capable of hitting the United States. Pyongyang pulled back on missile testing in 2018 to give diplomacy aĀ chance, but after the failure of the Hanoi summit in early 2019 it returned to missile testing.
With one notable exception, all the new North Korean missile systems tested since the Hanoi summit are shorter range and primarily threaten South Korea and Japan. An important technical characteristic of North Koreaās new missiles is their use of solid rocket fuel, which makes them easier to transport and allows for shorter preparation time before firing.
North Koreaās new missile capabilities are armed with conventional warheads for the time being, but this may not be the case for much longer. In January 2021, Kim Jong Un gave aĀ report to the 8thĀ Party Congress that called for developing smaller nuclear warheads that could be carried by shorterāārange missiles.
North Korea has not yet demonstrated the ability to produce such warheads but given both the history of North Koreaās nuclear program and the high level of importance that Kim assigned to the effort it should not take long to develop new warhead designs. AĀ recent report by the UN nuclear watchdog indicates that theĀ plutonium producing reactor at the Yongbyon complex is running againĀ after being dormant for aĀ couple years. It will take some time for North Korea to process the plutonium, but more fissile material means more nuclear warheads.
South Koreaās missile forces emphasize the ability to conduct rapid, conventional attacks against North Korean leadership and command and control targets. The recent video footage of aĀ ballistic missileĀ punching aĀ hole through the top of aĀ bunkerĀ is aĀ good illustration of South Koreaās intention to use these capabilities to go after the Northā leadership. Additionally, South Koreaās conventional missiles could also destroy North Korean nuclear weapons provided Seoul can locate the weapons after they leave their basing areas.
In other words, South Korea is developing aĀ conventional counterforce capabilityĀ that would allow it to degrade North Koreaās ability to use nuclear weapons without South Korea having nuclear weapons of its own. The ability to launch conventional ballistic missiles from aĀ submarine provides South Korea with greater flexibility and surprise given North Koreaās weaknesses in antiāāsubmarine warfare and air defense.
The interāāKorean missile arms race makes will make future crises more dangerous. During the 2017 crisis, North Korea indicated that its nuclear strategy relies on threats of intentional, rapid escalation to deter the United States and South Korea from conducting aĀ first strike of their own. Adding solidāāfuel, dualāācapable regional missiles will make it much easier for North Korea to make good on this threat as the new capabilities are more survivable against both attack and interception by missile defense than their liquidāāfuel predecessors.
For South Korea, its conventional missile forces offer aĀ way to prevent aĀ nuclear attack, but only if South Korea can get its shot off before North Korea can issue aĀ launch order. Counterforce attacks work when there is still aĀ force to counter. If Seoul waits too long to use its missiles to disrupt North Koreaās nuclear command and control, then it is more likely to suffer aĀ nuclear attack. There is very low likelihood that North and South Korea decide to run these scenarios out of the blue. Instead, the danger of the missile arms race will be most acute if there is aĀ repeat of the 2010 interāāKorean crises or the 2017 āfire and furyā period.
Focusing on nuclear diplomacy in the Korean peninsula is important given the consequences of failure, but it should not blind observers to the growing danger of the interāāKorean missile arms race. Diplomacy remains the best available path for reducing the danger of arms racing, but the Biden administration needs to come to terms with the fact thatĀ arms control is aĀ more realistic goalĀ than denuclearization of North Korea.
This article was firstĀ publishedĀ by The Cato Institute.
Image: Reuters
Ā The National Interest
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