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Thirty years ago, in New York, Azerbaijani President Heydar Aliyev had a long one on one meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. They discussed mutual support ā Azerbaijan needed Israeli technologies to protect itself from military threats, and Israel needed oil. Since then, the relationship has blossomed. The Shia Muslim-majority Azerbaijan has become one of Israelās closest allies.
āAzerbaijan is closer to Israel than any other country except for the United States,ā says Joseph Epstein, Director of Research at the Endowment for Middle East Truth (EMET). āBut unlike Washington, Baku has never pressured or threatened Jerusalem over its conflict with the Palestinians or anything else.ā
Israeli Azerbaijani collaboration goes far beyond cooperating against Iran. Both countries have work closely in the energy, defense, science and agriculture sectors. Azerbaijan supplies Israel with 50% of its oil needs. Israel in turn supplies Azerbaijan with almost 70% of its weapons imports.
āAzerbaijan has stuck with Israel even as many of its Western partners turn against it over the war in Gaza,ā says Epstein. āWhile countries like France, Germany and the United Kingdom go back and forth on weapon embargos against the Jewish State, Azerbaijan has only increased its energy exports to Israel since October 7th and the ensuing multi-front war.ā
These relations have not escaped the attention of experts such as Professor Zeāev Khanin and Captain (res.) Alex Grinberg, who recently analyzed Azerbaijanās long and stable friendship with Israel for theĀ Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies. According to Khanin and Grinberg, incoming President Donald Trump should consider Azerbaijanās relationship with Israel as a sign of its usefulness for American interests. The analysis highlighted Azerbaijanās anti-Iranian stance, position as a key nation in the Middle Corridor and crucial alternate supply of energy to Europe as the continent weans itself off Russian gas.
āThe same benefits that Azerbaijan brings to Israel could easily be brought on a much larger scale to the United States,ā says Epstein. āBut harnessing it requires a pivot in policy from the administration.ā
Indeed, previous U.S. administrations have often prioritized the Armenian issue over good relations with Azerbaijan, in part due to internal pressure from a very politically active Armenian diaspora. However, with the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia seemingly coming to an end, this could change, especially considering Trumpās proclivity of breaking from the foreign policy establishment.
āBoth the Azerbaijani and Armenian governments want to end this chapter and focus on regional integration and better relations with the West, first and foremost with the United States,ā says Grinberg. āThe quickest road to that is by ending the conflict.ā
But such a pivot in policy could antagonize Azerbaijanās northern and southern neighbors ā Russia and Iran. Since its independence, Baku has balanced its relations with two empires that both consider it as part of its sphere of influence. But the small Caucasian nation has no qualms about the nature of both countries.
āAzerbaijan sees Russia and Iran for what they are ā aggressive and irredentist empires that would swallow it up if they could,ā says Grinberg. āThat is why it has so much to gain from good relations with the West.ā
The benefits would be mutual. The Middle Corridor provides a key transit corridor from Asia to Europe circumventing both Russia and Iran. Such corridors are vital to global commerce as conflicts such as the war in Ukraine and attacks by Houthis shut down major trade arteries. And as Russia continuously threatens the European mainland, Azerbaijan could offer not only its own oil and gas but untapped reservoirs from Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan as well.
Avi Monakov

